Looking back at the past year, the anxiety among influential sections of the population that the NPP government would destabilise the country has largely been dispelled. There was concern that a government led by the JVP might not be respectful of private property in the Marxist tradition. These fears have not materialised. The transition of power was smooth, with no upheavals and no breakdown of governance. This continuity has contributed to trust building. Smooth political transitions following decisive electoral change are widely regarded as indicators of democratic consolidation rather than disruption. Democratic legitimacy is strengthened when new governments respect inherited institutions rather than seek to dismantle them. On this score, the government’s first year has been reassuring.
However, trust once built can also be eroded. The government faces serious challenges, and some of its own actions have raised questions. The prolonged failure to appoint an Auditor General, combined with the government’s determination to push through nominees of its own choosing without accommodating objections from the opposition and civil society, points to a deeper problem. The government argues that the constitutional council is acting in a biased manner when it rejects the president’s nominations. Whatever the merits of this claim, persistent confrontation with a constitutionally mandated body weakens confidence in institutional processes.
This problem is compounded by the narrow base from which many senior appointments have been drawn. Many if not most high level state appointments have gone to ruling party members or close associates. The JVP’s traditional voter base has been no more than five percent. Restricting the selection of top officials to such a limited pool is a recipe for not getting the best. It excludes a wide range of capable individuals and is counterproductive to the national interest. Sri Lanka’s Establishment Code prohibits serving public officers from contesting elections, reflecting the principle that they must serve governments of all political persuasions. Excessive reliance on party affiliated individuals for senior appointments limits access to talent and expertise. Without trust in political neutrality and institutional fairness, those outside the ruling party are unlikely to offer their services, no matter how committed they may be to national recovery.
Unfair Targeting
Recent events have further strained trust within the system. The controversy over a Grade 6 textbook containing a weblink to a gay dating site appears to have been an act of sabotage rather than mere negligence. Vested interests threatened by the government’s anti corruption agenda are seeking to undermine it. Prime Minister and Education Minister Harini Amarasuriya has been unfairly targeted, and the episode has damaged confidence in administrative processes. Countries that have professionalised their civil services rather than politicised them have been more successful in sustaining reform over time. Trust between political leadership and the administrative machinery is essential if reform efforts are to succeed.
The government is also criticised for failing to deliver on ambitious election promises. In this respect, the NPP is no different from other parties that made extravagant pledges. The reality is that the economic collapse of 2022 set the country back several years. The economy regressed to 2018 levels through no fault of the present government. Even the most capable leadership cannot simply recover lost ground overnight. The economy rebounded to around five percent growth last year, but this recovery now faces fresh challenges following Cyclone Ditwah. In the aftermath of the cyclone, the conduct of political parties was disappointing. Instead of uniting behind relief and reconstruction, many resorted to blame and political attacks, including on the prime minister. This undermined public confidence in the state at a time when trust was vital.
Despite these pressures, the government needs to persist with trust building and inclusiveness. The sustainability of policy change depends not only on electoral victory but on inclusive processes that command wider acceptance. Reforms imposed by narrow majorities are unlikely to endure. Bipartisanship is therefore essential. National rebuilding and reconciliation require cooperation across political divides and meaningful consultation with the opposition and civil society. Opposition leader Sajith Premadasa has generally adopted a constructive approach, showing that dialogue is possible when pursued in good faith.
However, bipartisanship must also extend beyond party politics to include ethnic and religious minorities. The government’s commitment to equal rights and non discrimination has yielded positive results. Visible racism has declined, and minorities feel physically safer. These gains are significant but fragile. Deeper sources of mistrust remain. Minority communities, especially in the north and east, continue to feel excluded from development and decision making. While they welcome engagement by national leaders, disappointment grows when development promises remain symbolic. The construction of Buddhist temples in areas with no Buddhist population, justified on historical claims, is perceived as threatening rather than reconciliatory. This is an area where greater sensitivity and dialogue could build trust rather than erode it.
Central Issue
Political power sharing is central to reconciliation. The Thirteenth Amendment remains the most viable framework for addressing minority grievances within a united country. The long delayed provincial council elections must be held without further postponement. Provincial councils have been dormant for seven years, undermining democratic practice and minority confidence. International experience, including in India and Switzerland, shows that decentralisation works best when regional institutions are operational and electorally accountable. Democratic equality is not limited to treating individuals as equals. It also requires recognising communities as legitimate collective actors. Power sharing allows communities to make decisions in areas where they form majorities, reducing alienation and strengthening cohesion.
The government’s first year saw acknowledgment of many unresolved issues, including missing persons, prolonged detention, land disputes and stalled provincial elections. However, acknowledgement alone is not enough. Even where reform has been attempted, such as replacing the Prevention of Terrorism Act, outcomes have fallen short of accepted standards. The New Year must be one in which these foundational issues are addressed decisively. If not, they will worsen and distract the government from the development agenda. Devolution must move from rhetoric to implementation. It is reported that a parliamentary select committee may soon examine the electoral system for provincial councils. This process needs urgency and credibility.
Institutions such as the Office of Missing Persons and the Office of Reparations must be strengthened, and a truth and reconciliation process established that commands public confidence. Trust in institutions requires respect for constitutional processes. Trust in society requires inclusive decision making. Trust across communities requires genuine power sharing and accountability. Economic recovery, disaster reconstruction, institutional integrity and reconciliation are interlinked tests of governance. The government needs to move beyond reliance on its core supporters and draw in the wider polity. Without trust this will not happen. Success in trust building will determine not only the sustainability of reform but the country’s long term stability and unity.